Ontology

The Ontological argument would be that by the use of reason and intuition, if man can think of or conceive God, then God must exist. The Teleological argument would be that there is agreed upon evidence that everything in nature has a purpose or reason for being. This being true, then God has to exist by reason that God created all of this and gave it purpose. The Cosmological argument would be that everything is created with for a reason and the God gave everything that reason. I think Cosmological and Teleological arguments are similar in this way of thinking. The philosopher I believe made the strongest impact on me would be Leibniz and the Cosmological argument. Our lives and existence on this planet our so complicated, yet everything seems to fit together and serve a purpose. I know that things happen in the world and we wonder what purpose did that serve, why did that have to happen. In the end, if we really look at the event objectively and without emotion, we can find the reason. I think of just one thing, the human body, and I have to marvel in its design. How could someone come up with the idea and design which allows our bodies to function? We are, in essence a perpetual motion machine. Our systems are more complicated then any other piece of machinery out there and even with all of our advancements in computers, not one can compete with the human brain. They are amazing, yet they are only as smart as the person who programmed it. Yes, some of them are able to learn but this is only because the programmer has taught them to do so. This is just one aspect of life. You do not have to believe in God per say, but you can not go outside and look around you and not believe that there has to be something out there.

My Alert Case Essay

Was the first to see the business opportunity in the mobile alerts. The idea was already working well in another channel (Internet). The mobile phone market was growing very quickly. They offered a wide range and tailor-made services. Besides as MyAlert will be the first in the market, the technology investment could became a strength and turn it in an entry barrier, thing that actually happened. For these reasons we can assert that MyAlert was a good business idea. Which is the competitive advantage of MyAlert when it is launched? How the competitive advantage and business model evolves? Why? Is it sustainable? The competitive advantage of MyAlert at the begging was its own technological platform (MAGO). The platform was Valuable because was the core of the business also it was Inimitable, Rareness and Original due to they developed it from the scratch and was the first in the market specifically designed for its business model. Content Production Design & Packaging 1- Corporate Customers Distribution Sales 2- Other Customers Provision of Infrastructure (Mobile Operators) Looking at the value chain of MyAlet we can see highlight in red their core activity, their platform allowed them to distribute the content throw the network to the final customers, the key was that the platform has a great scalability able to distribute data throw different technology enablers (GMS, GPRS†¦) From the beginning they realized that text alerts could be used to provide customized services for corporate partners exploiting new business opportunities and here we can see a new competitive advantage because the company was able to introduce their investors into its own value chain getting content and a solid customer portfolio. This is a win win situation, the investors provide contents and the MyAlert provides them a new innovative service for them increasing the company revenues as well as turn over for the shareholders, this business model provides feedback itself being able to maintain it in the long run. After the merger MyAlert, which started providing data services for the mobile industry, changed its product portfolio and business model providing technology and mobile marketing services. Thanks to MAGO platform MyAlert was far superior technologically than Buongiorno!. On the other hand appeared a new product â€Å"consumer services† (ring tones, logos†¦) the new company had to adapt its business model including consumer services which soon produced benefits. Also they were able to keep creating new business models as â€Å"Digital Marketing Project†. As we have seen MyAlert is a good example of how a company is able to adapt and survive in a really dynamic environment what changes pretty fast, adapting and creating new business models and investing in technology in order to keep its leading position. Is the merge with Buongiorno! a must or just a good idea? Definitely the merge was a MUST, MyAlert had become a world leader and to keep this status they needed to remain this position in every market, soon they realized that it was impossible to achieve through organic growth. The economical environment was unstable due to the dot com crisis, investors become more demanding looking for positives results in the short term, competitors started to appear and revenues from advertising and m-commerce were reduced due to the economic crisis. All this factors push to Mr. Jorge and his team to look for a similar company with the same goal to join forces and survive in the long term, and this is how they found Buongiorno! And merge in order to keep growing in a very competitive dynamic market.

The Da Vinci Code Chapter 63-67

CHAPTER 63 Lieutenant Collet stood alone at the foot of Leigh Teabing's driveway and gazed up at the massive house. Isolated.Dark.Good ground cover.Collet watched his half-dozen agents spreading silently out along the length of the fence. They could be over it and have the house surrounded in a matter of minutes. Langdon could not have chosen a more ideal spot for Collet's men to make a surprise assault. Collet was about to call Fache himself when at last his phone rang. Fache sounded not nearly as pleased with the developments as Collet would have imagined. â€Å"Why didn't someone tell me we had a lead on Langdon?† â€Å"You were on a phone call and – â€Å" â€Å"Where exactly are you, Lieutenant Collet?† Collet gave him the address. â€Å"The estate belongs to a British national named Teabing. Langdon drove a fair distance to get here, and the vehicle is inside the security gate, with no signs of forced entry, so chances are good that Langdon knows the occupant.† â€Å"I'm coming out,† Fache said. â€Å"Don't make a move. I'll handle this personally.† Collet's jaw dropped. â€Å"But Captain, you're twenty minutes away! We should act immediately. I have him staked out. I'm with eight men total. Four of us have field rifles and the others have side arms.† â€Å"Wait for me.† â€Å"Captain, what if Langdon has a hostage in there? What if he sees us and decides to leave on foot? We need to move now! My men are in position and ready to go.† â€Å"Lieutenant Collet, you will wait for me to arrive before taking action. That is an order.† Fache hung up. Stunned, Lieutenant Collet switched off his phone. Why the hell is Fache asking me to wait? Collet knew the answer. Fache, though famous for his instinct, was notorious for his pride. Fache wants credit for the arrest.After putting the American's face all over the television, Fache wanted to be sure his own face got equal time. Collet's job was simply to hold down the fort until the boss showed up to save the day. As he stood there, Collet flashed on a second possible explanation for this delay. Damage control. In law enforcement, hesitating to arrest a fugitive only occurred when uncertainty had arisen regarding the suspect's guilt. Is Fache having second thoughts that Langdon is the right man? The thought was frightening. Captain Fache had gone out on a limb tonight to arrest Robert Langdon – surveillance cachee, Interpol, and now television. Not even the great Bezu Fache would survive the political fallout if he had mistakenly splashed a prominent American's face all over French television, claiming he was a murderer. If Fache now realized he'd made a mistake, then it made perfect sense that he would tell Collet not to make a move. The last thing Fache needed was for Collet to storm an innocent Brit's private estate and take Langdon at gunpoint. Moreover, Collet realized, if Langdon were innocent, it explained one of this case's strangest paradoxes: Why had Sophie Neveu, the granddaughter of the victim, helped the alleged killer escape? Unless Sophie knew Langdon was falsely charged. Fache had posited all kinds of explanations tonight to explain Sophie's odd behavior, including that Sophie, as Sauniere's sole heir, had persuaded her secret lover Robert Langdon to kill off Sauniere for the inheritance money. Sauniere, if he had suspected this, might have left the police the message P. S.Find RobertLangdon.Collet was fairly certain something else was going on here. Sophie Neveu seemed far too solid of character to be mixed up in something that sordid. â€Å"Lieutenant?† One of the field agents came running over. â€Å"We found a car.† Collet followed the agent about fifty yards past the driveway. The agent pointed to a wide shoulder on the opposite side of the road. There, parked in the brush, almost out of sight, was a black Audi. It had rental plates. Collet felt the hood. Still warm. Hot even. â€Å"That must be how Langdon got here,† Collet said. â€Å"Call the rental company. Find out if it's stolen.† â€Å"Yes, sir.† Another agent waved Collet back over in the direction of the fence. â€Å"Lieutenant, have a look at this.† He handed Collet a pair of night vision binoculars. â€Å"The grove of trees near the top of the driveway.† Collet aimed the binoculars up the hill and adjusted the image intensifier dials. Slowly, the greenish shapes came into focus. He located the curve of the driveway and slowly followed it up, reaching the grove of trees. All he could do was stare. There, shrouded in the greenery, was an armored truck. A truck identical to the one Collet had permitted to leave the Depository Bank of Zurich earlier tonight. He prayed this was some kind of bizarre coincidence, but he knew it could not be. â€Å"It seems obvious,† the agent said,† that this truck is how Langdon and Neveu got away from the bank.† Collet was speechless. He thought of the armored truck driver he had stopped at the roadblock. The Rolex. His impatience to leave. I never checked the cargo hold. Incredulous, Collet realized that someone in the bank had actually lied to DCPJ about Langdon and Sophie's whereabouts and then helped them escape. But who? And why? Collet wondered if maybe this were the reason Fache had told him not to take action yet. Maybe Fache realized there were more people involved tonight than just Langdon and Sophie. And if Langdon and Neveu arrived inthe armored truck, then who drove the Audi? Hundreds of miles to the south, a chartered Beechcraft Baron 58 raced northward over the Tyrrhenian Sea. Despite calm skies, Bishop Aringarosa clutched an airsickness bag, certain he could be ill at any moment. His conversation with Paris had not at all been what he had imagined. Alone in the small cabin, Aringarosa twisted the gold ring on his finger and tried to ease his overwhelming sense of fear and desperation. Everything in Paris has gone terribly wrong.Closing his eyes, Aringarosa said a prayer that Bezu Fache would have the means to fix it. CHAPTER 64 Teabing sat on the divan, cradling the wooden box on his lap and admiring the lid's intricate inlaid Rose. Tonight has become the strangest and most magical night of my life. â€Å"Lift the lid,† Sophie whispered, standing over him, beside Langdon. Teabing smiled. Do not rush me.Having spent over a decade searching for this keystone, he wanted to savor every millisecond of this moment. He ran a palm across the wooden lid, feeling the texture of the inlaid flower. â€Å"The Rose,† he whispered. The Rose is Magdalene is the Holy Grail.The Rose is the compass that guides the way.Teabing felt foolish. For years he had traveled to cathedrals and churches all over France, paying for special access, examining hundreds of archways beneath rose windows, searching for an encrypted keystone. La clef de voute – a stone key beneath the sign of the Rose. Teabing slowly unlatched the lid and raised it. As his eyes finally gazed upon the contents, he knew in an instant it could only be the keystone. He was staring at a stone cylinder, crafted of interconnecting lettered dials. The device seemed surprisingly familiar to him. â€Å"Designed from Da Vinci's diaries,† Sophie said. â€Å"My grandfather made them as a hobby.† Of course, Teabing realized. He had seen the sketches and blueprints. The key to finding the Holy Grail lies inside this stone.Teabing lifted the heavy cryptex from the box, holding it gently. Although he had no idea how to open the cylinder, he sensed his own destiny lay inside. In moments of failure, Teabing had questioned whether his life's quest would ever be rewarded. Now those doubts were gone forever. He could hear the ancient words†¦ the foundation of the Grail legend: Vous ne trouvez pas le Saint-Graal, c'est le Saint-Graal qui vous trouve. You do not find the Grail, the Grail finds you. And tonight, incredibly, the key to finding the Holy Grail had walked right through his front door. While Sophie and Teabing sat with the cryptex and talked about the vinegar, the dials, and what the password might be, Langdon carried the rosewood box across the room to a well-lit table to get a better look at it. Something Teabing had just said was now running through Langdon's mind. The key to the Grail is hidden beneath the sign of the Rose. Langdon held the wooden box up to the light and examined the inlaid symbol of the Rose. Although his familiarity with art did not include woodworking or inlaid furniture, he had just recalled the famous tiled ceiling of the Spanish monastery outside of Madrid, where, three centuries after its construction, the ceiling tiles began to fall out, revealing sacred texts scrawled by monks on the plaster beneath. Langdon looked again at the Rose. Beneath the Rose. Sub Rosa. Secret. A bump in the hallway behind him made Langdon turn. He saw nothing but shadows. Teabing's manservant most likely had passed through. Langdon turned back to the box. He ran his finger over the smooth edge of the inlay, wondering if he could pry the Rose out, but the craftsmanship was perfect. He doubted even a razor blade could fit in between the inlaid Rose and the carefully carved depression into which it was seated. Opening the box, he examined the inside of the lid. It was smooth. As he shifted its position, though, the light caught what appeared to be a small hole on the underside of the lid, positioned in the exact center. Langdon closed the lid and examined the inlaid symbol from the top. No hole. It doesn't pass through. Setting the box on the table, he looked around the room and spied a stack of papers with a paper clip on it. Borrowing the clip, he returned to the box, opened it, and studied the hole again. Carefully, he unbent the paper clip and inserted one end into the hole. He gave a gentle push. It took almost no effort. He heard something clatter quietly onto the table. Langdon closed the lid to look. It was a small piece of wood, like a puzzle piece. The wooden Rose had popped out of the lid and fallen onto the desk. Speechless, Langdon stared at the bare spot on the lid where the Rose had been. There, engraved in the wood, written in an immaculate hand, were four lines of text in a language he had never seen. The characters look vaguely Semitic, Langdon thought to himself, and yet I don't recognize the language! A sudden movement behind him caught his attention. Out of nowhere, a crushing blow to the head knocked Langdon to his knees. As he fell, he thought for a moment he saw a pale ghost hovering over him, clutching a gun. Then everything went black. CHAPTER 65 Sophie Neveu, despite working in law enforcement, had never found herself at gunpoint until tonight. Almost inconceivably, the gun into which she was now staring was clutched in the pale hand of an enormous albino with long white hair. He looked at her with red eyes that radiated a frightening, disembodied quality. Dressed in a wool robe with a rope tie, he resembled a medieval cleric. Sophie could not imagine who he was, and yet she was feeling a sudden newfound respect for Teabing's suspicions that the Church was behind this. â€Å"You know what I have come for,† the monk said, his voice hollow. Sophie and Teabing were seated on the divan, arms raised as their attacker had commanded. Langdon lay groaning on the floor. The monk's eyes fell immediately to the keystone on Teabing's lap. Teabing's tone was defiant. â€Å"You will not be able to open it.† â€Å"My Teacher is very wise,† the monk replied, inching closer, the gun shifting between Teabing and Sophie. Sophie wondered where Teabing's manservant was. Didn't he hear Robert fall? â€Å"Who is your teacher?† Teabing asked. â€Å"Perhaps we can make a financial arrangement.† â€Å"The Grail is priceless.† He moved closer.† You're bleeding,† Teabing noted calmly, nodding to the monk's right ankle where a trickle of blood had run down his leg. â€Å"And you're limping.† â€Å"As do you,† the monk replied, motioning to the metal crutches propped beside Teabing. â€Å"Now, hand me the keystone.† â€Å"You know of the keystone?† Teabing said, sounding surprised. â€Å"Never mind what I know. Stand up slowly, and give it to me.† â€Å"Standing is difficult for me.† â€Å"Precisely. I would prefer nobody attempt any quick moves.† Teabing slipped his right hand through one of his crutches and grasped the keystone in his left. Lurching to his feet, he stood erect, palming the heavy cylinder in his left hand, and leaning unsteadily on his crutch with his right. The monk closed to within a few feet, keeping the gun aimed directly at Teabing's head. Sophie watched, feeling helpless as the monk reached out to take the cylinder. â€Å"You will not succeed,† Teabing said. â€Å"Only the worthy can unlock this stone.† God alone judges the worthy, Silas thought. â€Å"It's quite heavy,† the man on crutches said, his arm wavering now. â€Å"If you don't take it soon, I'm afraid I shall drop it!† He swayed perilously. Silas stepped quickly forward to take the stone, and as he did, the man on crutches lost his balance. The crutch slid out from under him, and he began to topple sideways to his right. No! Silas lunged to save the stone, lowering his weapon in the process. But the keystone was moving away from him now. As the man fell to his right, his left hand swung backward, and the cylinder tumbled from his palm onto the couch. At the same instant, the metal crutch that had been sliding out from under the man seemed to accelerate, cutting a wide arc through the air toward Silas's leg. Splinters of pain tore up Silas's body as the crutch made perfect contact with his cilice, crushing the barbs into his already raw flesh. Buckling, Silas crumpled to his knees, causing the belt to cut deeper still. The pistol discharged with a deafening roar, the bullet burying itself harmlessly in the floorboards as Silas fell. Before he could raise the gun and fire again, the woman's foot caught him square beneath the jaw. At the bottom of the driveway, Collet heard the gunshot. The muffled pop sent panic through his veins. With Fache on the way, Collet had already relinquished any hopes of claiming personal credit for finding Langdon tonight. But Collet would be damned if Fache's ego landed him in front of a Ministerial Review Board for negligent police procedure. A weapon was discharged inside a private home! And you waited at the bottom of the driveway? Collet knew the opportunity for a stealth approach had long since passed. He also knew if he stood idly by for another second, his entire career would be history by morning. Eyeing the estate's iron gate, he made his decision. â€Å"Tie on, and pull it down.† In the distant recesses of his groggy mind, Robert Langdon had heard the gunshot. He'd also heard a scream of pain. His own? A jackhammer was boring a hole into the back of his cranium. Somewhere nearby, people were talking. â€Å"Where the devil were you?† Teabing was yelling. The manservant hurried in. â€Å"What happened? Oh my God! Who is that? I'll call the police!† â€Å"Bloody hell! Don't call the police. Make yourself useful and get us something with which to restrain this monster.† â€Å"And some ice!† Sophie called after him. Langdon drifted out again. More voices. Movement. Now he was seated on the divan. Sophie was holding an ice pack to his head. His skull ached. As Langdon's vision finally began to clear, he found himself staring at a body on the floor. Am I hallucinating? The massive body of an albino monk lay bound and gagged with duct tape. His chin was split open, and the robe over his right thigh was soaked with blood. He too appeared to be just now coming to. Langdon turned to Sophie. â€Å"Who is that? What†¦ happened?† Teabing hobbled over. â€Å"You were rescued by a knight brandishing an Excalibur made by Acme Orthopedic.† Huh? Langdon tried to sit up. Sophie's touch was shaken but tender. â€Å"Just give yourself a minute, Robert.† â€Å"I fear,† Teabing said,† that I've just demonstrated for your lady friend the unfortunate benefit of my condition. It seems everyone underestimates you.† From his seat on the divan, Langdon gazed down at the monk and tried to imagine what had happened. â€Å"He was wearing a cilice,†Teabing explained. â€Å"A what?† Teabing pointed to a bloody strip of barbed leather that lay on the floor. â€Å"A Discipline belt. He wore it on his thigh. I took careful aim.† Langdon rubbed his head. He knew of Discipline belts. â€Å"But how†¦ did you know?† Teabing grinned. â€Å"Christianity is my field of study, Robert, and there are certain sects who wear their hearts on their sleeves.† He pointed his crutch at the blood soaking through the monk's cloak. â€Å"As it were.† â€Å"Opus Dei,† Langdon whispered, recalling recent media coverage of several prominent Boston businessmen who were members of Opus Dei. Apprehensive coworkers had falsely and publicly accused the men of wearing Discipline belts beneath their three-piece suits. In fact, the three men did no such thing. Like many members of Opus Dei, these businessmen were at the† supernumerary† stage and practiced no corporal mortification at all. They were devout Catholics, caring fathers to their children, and deeply dedicated members of the community. Not surprisingly, the media spotlighted their spiritual commitment only briefly before moving on to the shock value of the sect's more stringent† numerary† members†¦ members like the monk now lying on the floor before Langdon. Teabing was looking closely at the bloody belt. â€Å"But why would Opus Dei be trying to find the Holy Grail?† Langdon was too groggy to consider it. â€Å"Robert,† Sophie said, walking to the wooden box. â€Å"What's this?† She was holding the small Rose inlay he had removed from the lid.† It covered an engraving on the box. I think the text might tell us how to open the keystone.† Before Sophie and Teabing could respond, a sea of blue police lights and sirens erupted at thebottom of the hill and began snaking up the half-mile driveway. Teabing frowned. â€Å"My friends, it seems we have a decision to make. And we'd better make it fast.† CHAPTER 66 Collet and his agents burst through the front door of Sir Leigh Teabing's estate with their guns drawn. Fanning out, they began searching all the rooms on the first level. They found a bullet hole in the drawing room floor, signs of a struggle, a small amount of blood, a strange, barbed leather belt, and a partially used roll of duct tape. The entire level seemed deserted. Just as Collet was about to divide his men to search the basement and grounds behind the house, he heard voices on the level above them. â€Å"They're upstairs!† Rushing up the wide staircase, Collet and his men moved room by room through the huge home, securing darkened bedrooms and hallways as they closed in on the sounds of voices. The sound seemed to be coming from the last bedroom on an exceptionally long hallway. The agents inched down the corridor, sealing off alternate exits. As they neared the final bedroom, Collet could see the door was wide open. The voices had stopped suddenly, and had been replaced by an odd rumbling, like an engine. Sidearm raised, Collet gave the signal. Reaching silently around the door frame, he found the light switch and flicked it on. Spinning into the room with men pouring in after him, Collet shouted and aimed his weapon at†¦ nothing. An empty guest bedroom. Pristine. The rumbling sounds of an automobile engine poured from a black electronic panel on the wall beside the bed. Collet had seen these elsewhere in the house. Some kind of intercom system. He raced over. The panel had about a dozen labeled buttons: STUDY†¦ KITCHEN†¦ LAUNDRY†¦ CELLAR†¦ So where the hell do I hear a car? MASTER BEDROOM†¦ SUN ROOM†¦ BARN†¦ LIBRARY†¦ Barn! Collet was downstairs in seconds, running toward the back door, grabbing one of his agents on the way. The men crossed the rear lawn and arrived breathless at the front of a weathered gray barn. Even before they entered, Collet could hear the fading sounds of a car engine. He drew his weapon, rushed in, and flicked on the lights. The right side of the barn was a rudimentary workshop – lawn-mowers, automotive tools, gardening supplies. A familiar intercom panel hung on the wall nearby. One of its buttons was flipped down, transmitting. GUEST BEDROOM II. Collet wheeled, anger brimming. They lured us upstairs with the intercom! Searching the other side of the barn, he found a long line of horse stalls. No horses. Apparently the owner preferred a different kind of horsepower; the stalls had been converted into an impressive automotive parking facility. The collection was astonishing – a black Ferrari, a pristine Rolls-Royce, an antique Astin Martin sports coupe, a vintage Porsche 356. The last stall was empty. Collet ran over and saw oil stains on the stall floor. They can't get off the compound.The driveway and gate were barricaded with two patrol cars to prevent this very situation. â€Å"Sir?† The agent pointed down the length of the stalls. The barn's rear slider was wide open, giving way to a dark, muddy slope of rugged fields that stretched out into the night behind the barn. Collet ran to the door, trying to see out into the darkness. All he could make out was the faint shadow of a forest in the distance. No headlights. This wooded valley was probably crisscrossed by dozens of unmapped fire roads and hunting trails, but Collet was confident his quarry would never make the woods. â€Å"Get some men spread out down there. They're probably already stuck somewhere nearby. These fancy sports cars can't handle terrain.† â€Å"Um, sir?† The agent pointed to a nearby pegboard on which hung several sets of keys. The labels above the keys bore familiar names. DAIMLER†¦ ROLLS-ROYCE†¦ ASTIN MARTIN†¦ PORSCHE†¦ The last peg was empty. When Collet read the label above the empty peg, he knew he was in trouble. CHAPTER 67 The Range Rover was Java Black Pearl, four-wheel drive, standard transmission, with high- strength polypropylene lamps, rear light cluster fittings, and the steering wheel on the right. Langdon was pleased he was not driving. Teabing's manservant Remy, on orders from his master, was doing an impressive job of maneuvering the vehicle across the moonlit fields behind Chateau Villette. With no headlights, he had crossed an open knoll and was now descending a long slope, moving farther away from the estate. He seemed to be heading toward a jagged silhouette of wooded land in the distance. Langdon, cradling the keystone, turned in the passenger seat and eyed Teabing and Sophie in the back seat. â€Å"How's your head, Robert?† Sophie asked, sounding concerned. Langdon forced a pained smile. â€Å"Better, thanks.† It was killing him. Beside her, Teabing glanced over his shoulder at the bound and gagged monk lying in the cramped luggage area behind the back seat. Teabing had the monk's gun on his lap and looked like an old photo of a British safari chap posing over his kill. â€Å"So glad you popped in this evening, Robert,† Teabing said, grinning as if he were having fun for the first time in years. â€Å"Sorry to get you involved in this, Leigh.† â€Å"Oh, please, I've waited my entire life to be involved.† Teabing looked past Langdon out the windshield at the shadow of a long hedgerow. He tapped Remy on the shoulder from behind.† Remember, no brake lights. Use the emergency brake if you need it. I want to get into the woods a bit. No reason to risk them seeing us from the house.† Remy coasted to a crawl and guided the Range Rover through an opening in the hedge. As the vehicle lurched onto an overgrown pathway, almost immediately the trees overhead blotted out the moonlight. I can't see a thing, Langdon thought, straining to distinguish any shapes at all in front of them. It was pitch black. Branches rubbed against the left side of the vehicle, and Remy corrected in the other direction. Keeping the wheel more or less straight now, he inched ahead about thirty yards. â€Å"You're doing beautifully, Remy,† Teabing said. â€Å"That should be far enough. Robert, if you could press that little blue button just below the vent there. See it?† Langdon found the button and pressed it. A muted yellow glow fanned out across the path in front of them, revealing thick underbrush on either side of the pathway. Fog lights, Langdon realized. They gave off just enough light to keep them on the path, and yet they were deep enough into the woods now that the lights would not give them away. â€Å"Well, Remy,† Teabing chimed happily. â€Å"The lights are on. Our lives are in your hands.† â€Å"Where are we going?† Sophie asked.† This trail continues about three kilometers into the forest,† Teabing said. â€Å"Cutting across the estate and then arching north. Provided we don't hit any standing water or fallen trees, we shall emerge unscathed on the shoulder of highway five.† Unscathed.Langdon's head begged to differ. He turned his eyes down to his own lap, where the keystone was safely stowed in its wooden box. The inlaid Rose on the lid was back in place, and although his head felt muddled, Langdon was eager to remove the inlay again and examine the engraving beneath more closely. He unlatched the lid and began to raise it when Teabing laid a hand on his shoulder from behind. â€Å"Patience, Robert,† Teabing said. â€Å"It's bumpy and dark. God save us if we break anything. If you didn't recognize the language in the light, you won't do any better in the dark. Let's focus on getting away in one piece, shall we? There will be time for that very soon.† Langdon knew Teabing was right. With a nod, he relatched the box. The monk in back was moaning now, struggling against his trusses. Suddenly, he began kicking wildly. Teabing spun around and aimed the pistol over the seat. â€Å"I can't imagine your complaint, sir. You trespassed in my home and planted a nasty welt on the skull of a dear friend. I would be well within my rights to shoot you right now and leave you to rot in the woods.† The monk fell silent.† Are you sure we should have brought him?† Langdon asked. â€Å"Bloody well positive!† Teabing exclaimed. â€Å"You're wanted for murder, Robert. This scoundrel is your ticket to freedom. The police apparently want you badly enough to have tailed you to my home.† â€Å"My fault,† Sophie said. â€Å"The armored car probably had a transmitter.† â€Å"Not the point,† Teabing said. â€Å"I'm not surprised the police found you, but I am surprised that this Opus Dei character found you. From all you've told me, I can't imagine how this man could have tailed you to my home unless he had a contact either within the Judicial Police or within the Zurich Depository.† Langdon considered it. Bezu Fache certainly seemed intent on finding a scapegoat for tonight's murders. And Vernet had turned on them rather suddenly, although considering Langdon was being charged with four murders, the banker's change of heart seemed understandable. â€Å"This monk is not working alone, Robert,† Teabing said,† and until you learn who is behind all this, you both are in danger. The good news, my friend, is that you are now in the position of power. This monster behind me holds that information, and whoever is pulling his strings has got to be quite nervous right now.† Remy was picking up speed, getting comfortable with the trail. They splashed through some water, climbed a small rise, and began descending again. â€Å"Robert, could you be so kind as to hand me that phone?† Teabing pointed to the car phone on the dash. Langdon handed it back, and Teabing dialed a number. He waited for a very long time before someone answered. â€Å"Richard? Did I wake you? Of course, I did. Silly question. I'm sorry. I have a small problem. I'm feeling a bit off. Remy and I need to pop up to the Isles for my treatments. Well, right away, actually. Sorry for the short notice. Can you have Elizabeth ready in about twenty minutes? I know, do the best you can. See you shortly.† He hung up. â€Å"Elizabeth?† Langdon said. â€Å"My plane. She cost me a Queen's ransom.† Langdon turned full around and looked at him.† What?† Teabing demanded. â€Å"You two can't expect to stay in France with the entire Judicial Police after you. London will be much safer.† Sophie had turned to Teabing as well. â€Å"You think we should leave the country?† â€Å"My friends, I am far more influential in the civilized world than here in France. Furthermore, the Grail is believed to be in Great Britain. If we unlock the keystone, I am certain we will discover a map that indicates we have moved in the proper direction.† â€Å"You're running a big risk,† Sophie said,† by helping us. You won't make any friends with the French police.† Teabing gave a wave of disgust. â€Å"I am finished with France. I moved here to find the keystone. That work is now done. I shan't care if I ever again see Chateau Villette.† Sophie sounded uncertain. â€Å"How will we get through airport security?† Teabing chuckled. â€Å"I fly from Le Bourget – an executive airfield not far from here. French doctors make me nervous, so every fortnight, I fly north to take my treatments in England. I pay for certain special privileges at both ends. Once we're airborne, you can make a decision as to whether or not you'd like someone from the U. S. Embassy to meet us.† Langdon suddenly didn't want anything to do with the embassy. All he could think of was the keystone, the inscription, and whether it would all lead to the Grail. He wondered if Teabing was right about Britain. Admittedly most modern legends placed the Grail somewhere in the United Kingdom. Even King Arthur's mythical, Grail-rich Isle of Avalon was now believed to be none other than Glastonbury, England. Wherever the Grail lay, Langdon never imagined he would actually be looking for it. The Sangreal documents.The true history of Jesus Christ.The tomb of Mary Magdalene.He suddenly felt as if he were living in some kind of limbo tonight†¦ a bubble where the real world could not reach him. â€Å"Sir?† Remy said. â€Å"Are you truly thinking of returning to England for good?† â€Å"Remy, you needn't worry,† Teabing assured. â€Å"Just because I am returning to the Queen's realm does not mean I intend to subject my palate to bangers and mash for the rest of my days. I expect you will join me there permanently. I'm planning to buy a splendid villa in Devonshire, and we'll have all your things shipped up immediately. An adventure, Remy. I say, an adventure!† Langdon had to smile. As Teabing railed on about his plans for a triumphant return to Britain, Langdon felt himself caught up in the man's infectious enthusiasm. Gazing absently out the window, Langdon watched the woods passing by, ghostly pale in the yellow blush of the fog lights. The side mirror was tipped inward, brushed askew by branches, and Langdon saw the reflection of Sophie sitting quietly in the back seat. He watched her for a long while and felt an unexpected upwelling of contentment. Despite his troubles tonight, Langdon was thankful to have landed in such good company. After several minutes, as if suddenly sensing his eyes on her, Sophie leaned forward and put her hands on his shoulders, giving him a quick rub. â€Å"You okay?† â€Å"Yeah,† Langdon said. â€Å"Somehow.† Sophie sat back in her seat, and Langdon saw a quiet smile cross her lips. He realized that he too was now grinning. Wedged in the back of the Range Rover, Silas could barely breathe. His arms were wrenched backward and heavily lashed to his ankles with kitchen twine and duct tape. Every bump in the road sent pain shooting through his twisted shoulders. At least his captors had removed the cilice. Unable to inhale through the strip of tape over his mouth, he could only breathe through his nostrils, which were slowly clogging up due to the dusty rear cargo area into which he had been crammed. He began coughing. â€Å"I think he's choking,† the French driver said, sounding concerned. The British man who had struck Silas with his crutch now turned and peered over the seat, frowning coldly at Silas. â€Å"Fortunately for you, we British judge man's civility not by his compassion for his friends, but by his compassion for his enemies.† The Brit reached down and grabbed the duct tape on Silas's mouth. In one fast motion, he tore it off. Silas felt as if his lips had just caught fire, but the air pouring into his lungs was sent from God. â€Å"Whom do you work for?† the British man demanded.† I do the work of God,† Silas spat back through the pain in his jaw where the woman had kicked him. â€Å"You belong to Opus Dei,† the man said. It was not a question. â€Å"You know nothing of who I am.† â€Å"Why does Opus Dei want the keystone?† Silas had no intention of answering. The keystone was the link to the Holy Grail, and the Holy Grail was the key to protecting the faith. I do the work of God. The Way is in peril. Now, in the Range Rover, struggling against his bonds, Silas feared he had failed the Teacher and the bishop forever. He had no way even to contact them and tell them the terrible turn of events. My captors have the keystone! They will reach the Grail before we do! In the stifling darkness, Silas prayed. He let the pain of his body fuel his supplications. A miracle, Lord.I need a miracle.Silas had no way of knowing that hours from now, he would get one. â€Å"Robert?† Sophie was still watching him. â€Å"A funny look just crossed your face.† Langdon glanced back at her, realizing his jaw was firmly set and his heart was racing. An incredible notion had just occurred to him. Could it really be that simple an explanation?† I need to use your cell phone, Sophie.† â€Å"Now?† â€Å"I think I just figured something out.† â€Å"What?† â€Å"I'll tell you in a minute. I need your phone.† Sophie looked wary. â€Å"I doubt Fache is tracing, but keep it under a minute just in case.† She gave him her phone. â€Å"How do I dial the States?† â€Å"You need to reverse the charges. My service doesn't cover transatlantic.† Langdon dialed zero, knowing that the next sixty seconds might answer a question that had been puzzling him all night.

Operations and Project Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Operations and Project Management - Essay Example Similar to any other departments in an organization, the operations management department of the organization plays the most important role in determining the overall organizational success (Slack & et. al., 2010). An effective operations management thus helps an organization in positioning the products and services in the right place and in the right way that would make the most effective utilization of time and cost considerations. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the operations manager to ensure effectiveness throughout the manufacturing process (Fort Lewis College, 2015). Henceforth, the discussion will emphasize the issues of operations management faced by Challinor’s, which is a small scale manufacturing establishment of actuators for the aerospace industry. It will also cover the opportunities and problems being faced by the organization. Furthermore, a suitable Risk Matrix and Work Breakdown Structure will be provided in order to underpin the success of the project and thereby create a better experience for the customers with respect to the proposed relocation of the factory. Challinor’s is a small-scale manufacturing enterprise located in West Midlands that deals with the manufacturing of actuators for aerospace industry. The company has been able to develop a good reputation in the field of aerospace industry, producing the best quality products to the customers. The company also has performed an effective management along with adequate workforce of experienced engineers, which is one of the major advantages of the company that allows the manufacturing of products to be more effective and ensures best quality with fault free deliverance of services. Altogether, these factors contribute to the successful operations along with the opportunity of the company to expand that would help it in maximizing the overall profit. As the company has been able to gain a significant position in the aerospace sector, various large

Module 8 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Module 8 - Essay Example It is also common for temple walls to be adorned with sculptures of scroll-like foliage, images of women, and couples exhibiting romantic scenes. These human figures are voluptuous, curved, and appear to be in perpetual motion, representing growth, prosperity, and abundance, and were regarded as auspicious motifs (India Netzone,2009). A famous example of a temple with ornate scenes from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata is the Virupaksha temple, the biggest temple located in Pattadakal which is a World Heritage Site. Another, the Hutchimali Temple, displays a sculpture of Vishnu sitting on top of a large cobra. A third, the Ravalphadi cave temple, is a celebration of the many forms of Shiva. These temples depict the gods in human forms or derivations thereof – e.g., Vishnu is sometimes shown as a male form with four arms representing his wide-reaching power. The human form is therefore deified in Hindu architecture. References: Acharya, Prasanna Kumar (1946). An Encyclopaedia o f Hindu Architecture. Oxford University Press. India Netzone (2009) ‘Hindu Art’. IndiaNetzone. 10 Aug 2009. Retrieved 9 October 2012 from http://www.indianetzone.com/42/hindu_art.htm Rajan, K.V. Soundara (1998). Rock-Cut Temple Styles. Somaiya Publications: Mumbai. ISBN 81-7039-218-7 http://www.google.com.ph/imgres?um=1&hl=en&client=firefox-a&sa=N&rls=org.mozilla:en-US:official&biw=1036&bih=602&tbm=isch&tbnid=7XMgE3Kxs5sNSM:&imgrefurl=http://www.viasingapore.com/author/admin/&docid=6C8I_lf8GUOvbM&imgurl=http://www.viasingapore.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/vacation_645x320-1.jpg&w=645&h=320&ei=gyF5UPHFK8HPrQetoYHYCw&zoom=1&iact=hc&vpx=114&vpy=331&dur=1799&hovh=158&hovw=319&tx=127&ty=136&sig=113358727395579824739&page=1&tbnh=133&tbnw=266&start=0&ndsp=16&ved=1t:429,r:11,s:0,i:100 Category B (3) Discuss the contemporary art of Meera Mukherjee's Ashoka at Kalinga. How does her art embody the past with the present? Meera Mukherjee is a modern Indian sculptor whose artistic efforts were directed at incorporating local, traditional, and non-western themes and techniques, with those of the international, modern, and western approaches. Her masterpiece, Ashoka at Kalinga, exhibits both the influences of her German training and her stay with the Bastar tribe in central India, where she studied their unique method of casting bronze. Ashoka was a great emperor who ruled during the 3rd century B.C., specifically the last major emperor of the Mauryan dynasty. The conquest of Kalinga, a country on the east coast; the battle was Ashoka’s only aggressive war. It lasted a full year and turned out triumphant but bloody, during which 100,000 people were slain, 150,000 were taken into captivity, and an untold number died of starvation. Severely distressed by the violence of war, Ashoka thereafter rejected war and adopted Buddhism as his empire’s official religion. Drawing upon this significant segment of India’s history, Mukherjee used Ashoka at Kalinga as a means of peaceful protest against the political violence in late 20th century India. By depicting a moment in her country’s past through her sculpture, she was able to make a connection with the present events with the same timeless message – the rejection of violence. Aside from the theme, Mukherjee

What Happens to Kids When Parents Do Not Pay Attention to Them because Essay

What Happens to Kids When Parents Do Not Pay Attention to Them because They Are Busy Working - Essay Example Children are totally dependent on adults at the time of birth, and to a great extent till the time they are equipped with the tools to be able to fend for themselves. Besides the basic physical needs of a child like food, clothing, medical care, education and a safe environment in which to grow; other needs that are of great importance to a child’s well being, and those that can impact the child’s future, are emotional needs; that if neglected, can scar a child for life, and cause untold damage to the child as well as to the society in which s/he lives. The problems of neglect among today’s kids are increasing. Till the first part of the twentieth century, these problems were not so evident. The support of extended families and the role of the mother who was a homemaker, ensured that enough time was given to kids although families were larger then, than they are today. As more and more women began to work and set up nuclear families the problem of children's need s being neglected has arisen, and of late has assumed gargantuan proportions. Today parents’ neglect of their children stems not just from lack of time or resources, but often is caused by parents being more self centered and putting their own need for having a good time before the needs of their children. Sometimes it is also caused because parents themselves have been victims of neglect and /or victims of drug abuse. It is shocking that these problems should arise at a time when family planning methods are easily available and parents have the choice of planning their family. Raising a child is a tremendous responsibility and the best parents have sometimes been stumped by the demands and pressures that a child is capable of putting on them. There is no question of quality time. Child raising is a job without hours and one that can try the patience of a saint. Yet, according to many parents who have successfully raised families with all the attendant problems, it is a treme ndously satisfying and joyful experience. Those parents who can balance work and home life find that parenting is less stressful. One has to re-evaluate priorities and make some choices and hard decisions when one plans a family. A parent’s love for the child is the motivating factor that goads parents to make many adjustments in their lifestyle for their children. The bond that develops between loving, caring parents and their children makes children want to please their parents. The development of this bond of love between parents and their children is an important factor for the healthy physical, mental and emotional development of children, that can have long term consequences on the kind of human beings that children grow up to be. Babies need a lot of time because they are so helpless and need parents to fulfil every need. During the first few months after childbirth, the mother too is going through a lot of emotional stress and needs the support of her husband and othe r close family members. As the child begins to grow, s/he is learning at a fast pace and the need to feel loved, protected and secure is very great. At this point the toddler needs the reassurance of being loved and valued. As s/he conquers new milestones, the pride of parents in his/her achievement is the highlight of the toddler’s day and s/he strives to repeat the newly learned skill. In the growing years, children often have to be reprimanded for bad behavior or mistakes that are an inevitable part of growing up. At such times parents must ensure that the child’s mistake has been explained and understood. If a child does not understand why s/he is punished the same mistakes

Trends in healthcare services Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Trends in healthcare services - Essay Example This option is optimal because it enables the government to collect adequate funds from the workers for the national health insurance program. In addition, this platform is fair to all the groups of workers considered as it applies the charges as a percentage of their payroll; hence a worker contributes an amount relative to his or her salary. This also makes the platform fair for all (Diamond & Vartiainen, 2012). Currently, there exist different types of health insurance plans that individuals can opt for in a quest to secure health insurance. In addition, there also exist a number of health maintenance organizations, capitations, as well as preferred provider organization within the health insurance market. These different platforms of health security and insurance have a significant effect on the trends of healthcare services today. For one, these aspects have made it possible for more people within the population to be in a position to afford and access quality medical healthcare services despite their income levels, especially considering the high cost of medical services within the United States. In fact, the US is one of the developed countries that has the highest or the most expensive health care program in the world, thereby subjecting a great portion of its populace to poor health care services due to unaffordability (Feldstein, 2011). Nowadays, a health insurer has to consider a number of factors, on both the economic as well as the societal platforms that affect the pricing and demand of health care services within the market. Health insurance exists in order to provide the people with access to quality medical healthcare. However, the people need to afford these insurance policies in order to be in a position to subscribe to them appropriately. Therefore, in setting the price for these health insurance programs, the insurers need to consider the income levels of each

Article Review Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Article Review - Research Paper Example The members of the board are not answerable to the president; moreover, they have regulatory authority over each and every public company in the US. It is pertinent to note that with the passage of Sarbanes-Oxley Act, Security Exchange Commission pegs the cost of â€Å"internal controls† for an average company in US at $91,000 per year. Commission also acknowledges the fact that the cost has increased substantially. In 2008, SEC surveyed thousands of corporations to assess the cost implications in the post SOX period and it was found that an average company needs to spend $2.3 million to comply with the provisions of Section 404. The disturbing part is that small companies have to bear the brunt of it in a much larger proportion relative to their assets. In this survey, only 19% companies confirm that the benefits of section 404 are significant to outweigh its costs. The author argues that investors are, to a large extent, skeptical about the benefits of this law. Legal Issues The section 302 of the Sarbanes-Oxley act prescribes that senior management of the company needs to authorize the accuracy of the financial reports and section 404 is all about establishing ‘internal controls’ and reporting methods specifying the adequacy of these controls. This legality has enhanced the cost of compliance substantially of all listed companies in the US. Managerial Perspective The whole purpose of enacting the law is to restore investors’ confidence in the companies. However, SEC survey establishes that a large proportion of the respondents do not agree that Section 404 has been able to enhance confidence of the investors in their companies. Section 404 encompasses even minor issues that place a huge burden of cost on the companies while complying with the law. It is ironical that majority of the foreign companies are contemplating de-listing from US exchanges and many small foreign firms have abandoned the idea to enter into American Capital Ma rkets. This means that Sarbanes-Oxley Act works as a deterrent to the small and foreign firms. Though credit raters and securities analysts, in a separate survey done by SEC, give favorable view about section 404 but at the same time admit that the benefits from Section 404 cannot be quantified. The most troublesome part is that ever since the enforcement of law, US firms have reduced their investments on research and development and capital expenditures vis-a-vis firms of other developed countries such as Canada and UK. The reason being directors and senior managers are scared of criminal penalties involved while undertaking risky investments that are difficult and costly to monitor. This certainly does not augur well for the economy of the nation. Reference Freeman J. (2009). The Supreme Case against Sarbanes-Oxley. The Wallstreet Journal. Retrieved August 23, 2012 from

Electronic money challenges and solutions Essay

Electronic money challenges and solutions - Essay Example As Bill Gate, the founder of Microsoft puts it: E-payment or electronic payment is a technique of making transactions over the internet or some other electronic system. The transaction takes place in the form of secure data transfer from one end to the other. The greatest advantage of an e-payment based transaction is the speed with which the transaction gets completed. Other benefits include the ease with which the transaction can be completed; the users do not have to be physically present to make these transactions and in fact, both buyers and sellers can meet in the electronic market to make electronic transactions using electronic money. There are various forms of e-payment systems that are in use nowadays. These include credit cards, debit cards, online transfers, wire transfers, e-money like Pay Pal, and other modes through which people make payments over the web. Most of these systems are based on a ID and password system to protect against unauthorized usage. With an increase in the magnitude of online applications and systems, there is a growing threat of security issues, vulnerabilities and exposure on the use of electronic transmission, and internet based systems. This has been a concern for companies, individuals, government and law enforcement agencies. Doing transactions online means making payments for the goods and services that are purchased; this leads to a need for developing a mechanism to make these 'e-payments'. This further translates into developing and implementing a security process to ensure that these transactions are carried out keeping the confidentiality, integrity and availability of the systems intact. An e-transaction is as susceptible to fraud as any other transaction, if not more. The fraudsters are many in the electronic world, are dispersed all round the globe, have update knowledge and expertise about the systems and computers, and are attacking to gain access to, and in many cases, to use the identity, fun ds and communication of a person in illegal, unethical and undesired way. 2.1 Security Issues for E-Money and E-Payment Systems Security of electronic money refers to establishing the confidentiality, integrity and availability of information when it is passed through the electronic system. Some security requirements for an electronic money transfer system are outlined below (British Standards, 2006, p.3): Confidentiality - ensuring that information is accessible only to those authorized to have access to it. Integrity - safeguarding the accuracy and completeness of information and processing methods Availability - ensuring that authorized users have access to information and associates assets when required Authenticity - information should be available to sender and recipient, who must prove their identities to each other Non-repudiation - assurance/ proof that the transmitted message was indeed received (ECD, 2007). 3. Key Challenges and Recommendations for Electronic Payment Systems A description of specific risks and challenges of online transactions is provided below. 3.1 Privacy and

Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 44

Essay Example Figure 1 shows the network diagram of such communication; Internet Service Provider (ISP) Server for a certain region will listen to a number of internet users. The client will request for connection and connection request will be catered by the server on a queue mechanism so that there are no clients left without service. Another mechanism to handle requests that is very common among multi client servers is based on priority of messages. The server can listen to n number of clients and clients can disconnect from the server at any point of time. There are generally two approaches to handle multi client server implementation. One approach is to have singleton servers for each client i.e. a server instance is created every time a request is received for a connection. This approach is not very practical for real-time systems. The other approach is to designate one server as the ‘connection manager’ that will be catering to a number of clients by retrieving their individual information on need basis. The TCP/IP model, also termed as Internet Protocol Suite, defines the format and implementation of a set of networking protocols to facilitate communication between nodes in a network. It is the set of protocols that is used for Internet and other networks. This model is based on protocols and it does not distinguish between service and protocols. TCP/IP model is known to have 4 layers and slightly different names have been given to the respective layers by different researchers. The names that have been chosen by Tanenbaum are: Multi client server gives service to n number of client. Communication takes place over TCP/IP and messages are passed on from the layers of the TCP/IP model to the end-host. OSI reference model can be considered as a guidance tool whereas the TCP/IP model can be used for implementation. Cygwin provides the Microsoft Windows users with a Linux-like platform.

Textual analysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Textual analysis - Essay Example In identifying this problem one of the salient features that immediately must be considered is a condition that Lukacs refers to as reification. An elucidation of reification will reveal how the commodities structure penetrates and transforms all aspects of bourgeois society and indeed transforms thought within capitalist society. This transformation irrevocably limits the ability for philosophical inquiry and critical theory to function separately from societal forces and for Lukacs the inquiry itself "springs" directly from this now reified structure. The problem of commodities is one that was comprehensively outlined by Marx and is a fundamental theme in much of the subsequent Marxian analytical tradition. As products are bought and sold in the marketplace, they become commodities. These commodities are alienated from the laborer that was initially responsible for the creation of the product. Individuals who purchase or exchange these commodities are not directly aware of the laborer who produced this commodity, but instead place a value on the existence of the commodity so that it can be exchanged in the market without having to come into contact with the laborer. As a result this so-called exchange-value of a commodity commodifies the labor itself. The structure of commodification whether it applies to the product o... The problem with this structure is that necessarily conceals what it is supposed to reference, and hence is inherently duplicitous (Lukacs 83). This duplicity has economic consequences for the proletariat that Marx explicates elsewhere. For Lukacs, this structure serves as a "base" and a point of departure for the typical economic concerns that Vulgar Marxists are keen on parsing out. (84) Commodity fetishism, the term Marx uses for this obscuring of social relations has both a specific local context and as a more general application for Lukacs. The specific context deals with the commodity within the framework of the marketplace, and deals with the exploitation and alienation of the laborer. The general application asks the question, "how far is commodity exchange together with its structural consequences able to influence the total inner and outer life of society" (Lukacs 84). The answer as it turns out will be completely and totally. Yet, he is careful here, and in following Marx, recognizes that commodity-exchange is an "episodic" feature present in the history of mankind (Lukacs 85). That is, as the objective forms of bourgeois society are periodically instantiated, the role of commodities can operate as a non-dominant form of "metabolic" exchange. Its transformation or reification into the principle organizing structure of a thoroughly capitalist society is attr ibuted to the subjectivization of the commodities-structure where "man's activity becomes estranged from himself," and is possible when the marketplace is fully commodified (Lukacs 87). Though as Lukacs stresses, this reification manifests itself qualitatively

The Dna Extraction Essay Example for Free

The Dna Extraction Essay 1. The salt contributes positively charged atoms that neutralise the normal negative charge of DNA. Salt is used at a high molarity due to the fact that it precipitates all of the proteins out. DNA is insoluble in low molar salt solutions but soluble in low molar salt solutions thus keeping the DNA in solution. 2. blending the onion will homogenize the mixture and it helps with the breakdown of the cell walls. Blending saves one the time and effort of using a motar and pestle, however it may break a lot of the DNA which is not favourable as one needs a lot of DNA for the extraction. 3. The enzymes in the soap are used to break down the lipid (fat) molecules of the cells nuclear membranes releasing the contents of the cell crucially including the DNA. These enzymes in the soap are what break down grease while washing dishes. 4. The DNA does not dissolve in this alcohol but rather pushes up through and out of the solution or precipitates. It is less dense than water or cell scum which is what settles to the bottom of the glass so it floats up into the alcohol layer, where you see it as a snotty, string-like substance, with small bubbles formed on it. 5. Because protein is stored in them for the nutrition of the new plants. 6. It is too small to be seen with the naked eye. What you extracted is millions of strands of DNA. In addition to that, whilst the substance was heated, the DNA got denatured which results in it looking more like a ladder than a helix. 7. Most of the DNA extracted during this proccess comes from the nucleus of the cell. AIM: The purpose of this experiment is to extract DNA from a variety of cells (Onion cells in particular) and see DNA molecules. This will show that, contrary to popular opinion, DNA is not just found in blood cells, but in a variety of tissues. Prior knowledge should include the fact that cell membranes are layers of lipids, or fat molecules, that DNA is found in the nucleus of a cell, and that enzymes speed up chemical reactions. HYPOTHESIS: DNA is present in the cells of all living organisms. METHOD: 1. Prepare two water baths one at 60Â °C and another filled with ice and water, around 4Â °C. For the hot water bath, a large metal pot can be used along with a thermometer with an appropriate temperature range. For the ice bath, a mixing bowl filled with ice and water works well. 2. For each onion, make a solution consisting of 10 ml of liquid dishwashing detergent and 1.5 g of table salt. Put in a 250 ml beaker and emulsify. 3. Add distilled water to make a final volume of 100 ml. Dissolve the salt by stirring slowly to avoid foaming. 4. Coarsely chop one large onion with a food processor or blender and put into a 1000 ml mixing bowl. For best results, do not chop the onion too finely. The size of the pieces should be like those used in making spaghetti. It is better to have the pieces too large than too small. 5. Cover chopped onion with the 100 ml of solution from step 2. The liquid detergent causes the cell membrane to break down and dissolves the lipids and proteins of the cell by disrupting the bonds that hold the cell membrane together. The detergent causes lipids and proteins to precipitate out of the solution. Salt enables nucleic acids to precipitate out of an alcohol solution because it shields the negative phosphate end of DNA, causing the DNA strands to come closer together and coalesce. 6. Put the measuring cup in a hot water bath at 60Â °C for 10-12 minutes. During this time, press the chopped onion mixture against the side of the measuring cup with the back of the spoon. (Do not keep the mixture in the hot water bath for more than 15 minutes because the DNA will begin to break down.) If using a large metal pot for water bath, remove the pot from the stove before placing the onion-containing measuring cup inside—the procedure is safer if the pot is off the burner. Cont inue to monitor temperature of water bath and make adjustments as needed. 7. The heat treatment softens the phospholipids in the cell membrane and denatures the DNAse enzymes which, if present, would cut the DNA into small fragments so that it could not be extracted. 8. Cool the mixture in an ice water bath for 5 minutes. During this time, press the chopped onion mixture against the side of the measuring cup with the back of the spoon. This step slows the breakdown of DNA. 9. Filter the mixture through a #6 coffee filter or four layers of cheese cloth placed in a strainer over a 4-cup measuring cup. When you filter the onion mixture, try to keep the foam from getting into the filtrate. It sometimes filters slowly, so you might want to put the whole set up in the refrigerator and let it filter overnight. 10. Dispense the onion solution into a test tube. The test tube should contain about 1 teaspoon of solution or be about 1/3 full. For most uniform results among test tubes, stir the solution frequently when dispensing it into the tubes. There is not an adva ntage to dispensing more than one teaspoon of solution into a test tube. The solution can be stored in a refrigerator for about a day before it is used for the laboratory exercise. When the solution is removed from the refrigerator, it should be gently mixed before the test tubes are filled. 11. Add cold alcohol to the test tube to create an alcohol layer on top of about 1 cm. For best results, the alcohol should be as cold as possible. The alcohol can be added to the solution in at least three ways: (a) Fill a pasteur pipette with alcohol, put it to bottom of the test tube, and release the alcohol. (b) Or, put about 1 cm of alcohol into the bottom of a test tube and add the onion solution. (c) Or, slowly pour the alcohol down the inside of the test tube with a pasteur pipette or medicine dropper. DNA is not soluble in alcohol. When alcohol is added to the mixture, all the components of the mixture, except for DNA, stay in solution while the DNA precipitates out into the alcohol layer. 1 2. Let the solution sit for 2-3 minutes without disturbing it. It is important NOT to shake the test tube. You can watch the white DNA precipitate out into the alcohol layer. When good results are obtained, there will be enough DNA to spool on to a glass rod, a pasteur pipette that has been heated at the tip to form a hook, or similar device. A wooden skewer or nut pick (small metal rod with curved tip) may also work well for spooling DNA if Pasteur pipette is unavailable. DNA has the appearance of white mucus. CONCLUSION: With these findings we can conclude that DNA is present and can be found in the cells of all living organisms and not just in those of the human body.

Change Along The Production Possibility Curve Economics Essay

Change Along The Production Possibility Curve Economics Essay According to McTaggard D et al. (1999), production possibility curve shows all the possible combinations of two goods that a firm can produce within a particular time period with all its resources fully and efficiently employed. What is more, droughts and extreme climate conditions could shift the frontier to the left. However, technological improvement, the capital stock rise and grow in the amount of employees, in their skills and educational levels bring movement to the right. Moreover, increase or decrease in quantity of one goods leads to change along the PPF. When human capital in protest, there will be decrease in workforce. Therefore (→ production possibility curve will shift to within frontier. During the event of protest or strike, there will be drop in human capital. Furthermore PPF shifts to the left. In order to produce more of one goods, we have to give up the other goods because of scarcity. That is why, movement occurs along the PPF (from point A to B). As a mentioned in case c, if we want to increase one goods we have to decrease number of other goods. In that case, we face movement along the PPF(from point C to D) In this situation, female and male both prohibited from entering some occupations. Therefore they have less ability to access which means drop in number of workforce then PPF will shift to the left. Spending less on defence and more on education means they are giving up one good and service in order to increase other one. At a moment change occurs along the PPF (from point E to F). But supporting education level may bring economic growth in the future economy. When government giving higher rate of unemployment benefit, it discourages school-leavers from work. On the other hand, people seem to be preferred being unemployment. As consequence, in the economy there will be decrease in workforce. Therefore, it leads PPF shift to the left. Section 2 To define what is happening in France and Australias economy first lets examine what is supply, demand, and equilibrium and why they do change. Demand According to Begg D et al. (2003) demand refers the maximum amount of a product that consumers are willing and able to buy during a particular period at various prices, holding all other relevant factors constant. What is more, holding all other relevant factors constant as price grows quantity demanded drops and as price declines quantity demanded rises. In addition, demand curve shifts when its relevant factors change such as the price of other products, income, population, preferences and future price expectations. A shift of demand curve is change in demand. The shift to outward represent rise in demand and shift to inward is a decline in demand. Furthermore, when price of good and service change, we face movement along the demand curve. Supply Supply is the quantity of a good and service that manufacturers are willing and able to produce in the market at various prices, all other relevant factors being held constant. The relationship between price and quantity are positive. If price of good and service is high manufacturers are happy to produce more and more. On the other hand, if the price of good and service set low, they will supply fewer. Change in price does not shift supply curve but it leads to movement along the supply curve. Moreover, supply curve may shift because of change in substitutes and complements in production, price of factors of production, technology, future price expectations, effects of the weather and number of producers. Equilibrium According to Sloman and Hinde (2007) supply and demand both together describe market equilibrium. Equilibrium price and quantity exists where the quantity supplied exactly equal quantity demanded for the good and service. Therefore, when demand and supply curves change, equilibrium price and quantity change too. Because of the poor grape harvest the supply of French wine decreased which is supply curve shifted to the left. As a result of supplying fewer quantity of French wine in the market, its price increased. Therefore, equilibrium quantity and price both change as well. The graph below shows decrease in quantity supply leads to increase in products price. As consequence, decrease in quantity demanded new equilibrium price and quantity take place in the market.(E1-E2). Decrease in supply of French wine leads to increase its price. As result, there will more demand for Australian wine (Australian wine demand will shift to the right). Moreover, when demand increases products price and quantity will increase. Also, change in equilibrium price and quantity too.(E0 -E1) Section 3 1. C 2. D 3. A 4. A 5. B 6. C 7. D 8. B 9. A 10. D

Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour

Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour THE DIVISION IN HOUSEHOLD LABOUR  BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN CONTENTS (JUMP TO) Abstract Introduction Literature Review Household Labour Defined The Gender Gap Research Methods Analysis Methods Historic Housework Gender Divisions   Global Housework Gender Divisions Reasons for Gender Gap Methodology Findings Recommendations Conclusion References ABSTRACT This study considers the gender gap in performance of household labour and its change over time, particularly in the last fifty years. Methods that others have used to research and analyse household labour, historic and multi-cultural gender divisions, reasons for the current and historic gender gap from a sociological perspective. This research then determines the most effective methods of data gathering and analysis and examines several studies over the last fifty years to conclude that the gender gap in household work is actually shrinking, albeit more slightly than some contend due to societal changes. Proposals for overcoming the disparity in household labour performance are assessed from a variety of published literature. Conclusions are drawn regarding the most likely factors affecting changes to the gender gap, namely changes in gender identities from a societal standpoint. Recommendations for further research and actions to further redu ce the housework disparity conclude th e study. INTRODUCTION Almost all research conducted in the past one hundred years has overwhelmingly and consistently supported a disparity between the household labour performed by women and men, with women typically outperforming men both in terms of more distasteful tasks and number of hours by significant margins. Since the beginning of the women’s movement in the 1960s, however, some inroads have been made regarding closing the gap between male and female performance. These must be weighed in light of overall changes in societal expectations and practise of household labour, but do show a trend towards greater egalitarianism in housework performance. This research begins with a thorough consideration of published literature regarding gender division of household labour and how such studies have been conducted and analysed, with reference to historic and multi-cultural gender divisions and sociological reasons for the persistent gender gap in housework performance. A survey of secondary research using the most accurate and informative data gathering methods is then conducted to determine whether the gender gap is indeed closing and if so, why, or whether broader societal and technological changes are merely affecting the performance of housework in general. The study concludes with recommendations for further research and suggestions from both others and the author regarding ways of moving towards a more egalitarian division of household labour performance. LITERATURE REVIEW As it applies directly or indirectly to almost everyone, much research and study has been performed regarding housework, the perceptions of those who perform it, and the assignment of household labour tasks within the home or family. This literature review provides a brief survey of some of these studies. An overview of the gender gap will be followed by six broad areas of consideration. First, the various methods by which housework study is conducted will be examined, as claims of inaccuracy are rampant for certain research methods. Similar consideration of different ways of analysing and interpreting this data follows. An overview of historic housework assignment, with particular focus on gender divisions and Britain, includes information stretching back several hundred years but concentrates on the previous century through the present, when statistical analysis and similar data began to be generated. Views of housework and gender division of tasks in other countries allow for a mo re holistic consideration of the topic. Finally, reasons for the gap between performance of household labour between men and women are from various studies are presented, with a number of researchers assertions of ways to overcome such disparity. Household Labour Defined In any study of household labour, also referred to as simply housework in this research, it is first beneficial to define what is meant by or included in the term. Some studies, for example, include only inside household tasks such as cleaning and cooking, excluding outside work such as gardening and exterior home repairs. Some studies include childcare as a household task; others place it in a separate category or do not include it. Lee and Waite (2005) note some research is based on a more restricted definition of housework, limited to physical tasks such as cleaning, cooking and laundry, whilst some include intangible components of household management, such as providing advice or encouragement, or planning and managing household tasks. For the purpose of this study all non-employment household tasks will be included, grouped broadly into inside and outside tasks, primarily because gender divisions often fall along these categorical divisions. Inside tasks are those performed inside the home, whilst tasks performed outside (yard work, taking out rubbish) fall in the latter category. In addition, based on the work of Coltrane (2000), tasks may be alternatively be considered from the standpoint of routine or occasional as another, and also typical, gender division. Coltrane (2000) defines routine tasks as the most time-consuming and most frequently performed, with little allowance for flexibility in task scheduling. Typical routine tasks include cooking, cleaning, shopping, and laundry. Occasional tasks, in comparison, are not as time-consuming on a daily basis and hence require less frequent performance, allowing more flexibility and discretion in when they are performed. Yard maintenance, home repairs (interior or e xterior), and paying bills are typical occasional tasks. Childcare will be considered in a separate category, although part of the overall household labour workload. This type of grouping is supported by many researchers such as Oakley (1981), Brines (1994), Press and Townsley (1998) and Alenezi and Walden (2004), who include childcare in household labour but place it in a separate category. Child rearing activities, such as bathing, disciplining, and the like may also be separated from recreational activities involving children, such as taking a child to the park or on an outing. In addition, Bianchi et al (2000) note that childcare is also an activity typically done in conjunction with other tasks, such as minding children whilst cooking or cleaning, or helping with homework whilst folding laundry. This is a further consideration when defining time spent and proportional contribution to household functioning. For the purposes of this study, therefore, all tasks involved in the establishment and maintenance of a household, including care for the persons of the household, are considered household labour or housework. Divisions within this household labour are made when specified, typically due to existing or to highlight gender differences between categories. The Gender Gap Current and recent historical culture in Britain and similar Western nations reveals a disparity in the performance of household tasks between women and men. Termed the ‘Gender Gap,’ this difference in housework reflects a much higher proportion of typical tasks performed by women than by men, even in dual-earner situations. Whilst there are other factors contributing to difference in allocation of household work, such as education, culture, and social class, Oakley (1974, 1981), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005) and many others have determined that gender plays a major role in task and work disparity, and this will be examined more fully under â€Å"Reasons for the Gender Gap† later in this literature review. General explanation of the gap itself is provided in this section of this study. Baxter (2001), after considering a number of studies regarding housework and gender, concludes â€Å"women do a much larger proportion of child care and routine indoor housework tasks than men, regardless of marital status† (19). This is supported by similar reviews of literature by Berk (1985), Ross (1987), Becker (1991), Ferree (1991), Brines (1993), Greenstein (1996), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005). The number of hours women spend has been declining over time, from over sixty hours per week prior to 1970, as reported by Oakley (1974) and others, to less than twenty in current reports such as Lee and Waite (2005), with men’s hours moving from less than three to nearly ten in some research. However, a substantial gap between men and women’s contributions to household labour still exists, as documented by Lee (2002), Rivià ¨res-pigeon, Saurel-Cubi zolles and Romito (2002), Alvarez and Miles (2003), Davis and Greenstein (2004), Alenezi and Walden (2004), Leonard (2004), Lee and Waite (2005). A gender gap between the types of household tasks performed also remains prevalent, with men performing more outdoor housework activities and fewer routine, inside tasks or childcare activities. Men are also more likely to describe their activities as enjoyable, such as playing with children or yard work, whilst women’s participation in activities they describe as enjoyable, such as baking and decorating, have decreased with fewer hours devoted to household work. Baxter (2001) concludes that in all reviewed studies â€Å"the differences are quite stark† (19). â€Å"Wives spend substantially more time than their husbands on family work, even though women do less and men do slightly more now than 20 years ago† (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer Robinson 2000, 192). It was initially expected that with the growth of the women’s movement the gender gap would disappear. For example, Leonard (2004) reports â€Å"a number of UK studies optimistically predicted that womens entry to paid work outside the household would be accompanied by mens increased participation in unpaid work within the household† (73). Unfortunately, research in the UK and elsewhere continues to â€Å"demonstrate the resilience of traditional gender roles within the household irrespective of womens labour market status† (Leonard 2004, 73). This research will later examine the narrowing of this gender gap and the reasons behind both its continued existence and gradual lessening. Research Methods When comparing secondary data, it is important to consider the methods implemented in data collection. In direct relation to this study, for example, Lee and Waite (2005) amongst others found â€Å"conclusions about the size of the gender gap in housework depend substantially on who provides the information about time spent on housework, what information that person is asked to provide, and how housework is defined† (334). Shelton and John (1996) and Coltrane (2000) list typical methods of data collection regarding household labour distribution and performance include interviews, surveys, time-diaries, and most recently electronic recording methods. Lee and Waite (2005) explain that interviews and surveys typically ask respondents to estimate the number of hours and type of tasks they or their spouses spend performing housework tasks. Time-diary studies ask respondents to report all their daily activities, usually within the day be ing tracked or by the next day at the latest. It is not surprising, therefore, that differences in time of reporting lead to differences in accuracy. Becker (1991), Lee and Waite (2005) and others have all found that interviews and surveys, which require respondents to both recall and estimate contributions and tasks, are highly inaccurate. Time-diaries, which require respondents to document how they spend their time daily or throughout the day, are significantly more accurate, as supported by Becker (1991), Bianchi et al (2000), and Lee and Waite (2005). For example, Bianchi et al (2000) reports a typical difference of fifteen hours per week reported by men and women regarding women’s household labour, and a typical difference of nearly four hours in reporting of men’s contribution. Similarly, Press and Townsley (1998) report that, on average, husbands estimated spending approximately eighteen hours per week on household tasks, whilst wives estimated their husbands contribution at just under thirteen hours per wee k, a statistically significant difference. In comparing data from electronic data recording versus data from similar populations collected by survey, Lee and Waite (2005) concluded â€Å"wives make accurate estimates of husbands’ time on housework, whereas husbands overestimate their own time† (333). They additionally found some evidence that both wives and husbands may substantially overestimate the amount of time wives spend on housework. For example, Lee and Waite (2005) found wives’ responses to survey questions regarding hours spent on housework estimated twenty-six hours per week of household work, but measurement of the same individuals via an electronic data recording system (ESM) resulted in an average of only fifteen hours per week. In all, the differences between survey measures and ESM [electronic data recording] time-use measures are statistically significant and-for some estimates-quite substantial† (333). Further, broader consideration of types of tasks within household labour resulted in greater hours of contribution on the part of men, but made little difference in the weekly housework hours of women. For example, Lee (2004) found that whilst in one study both types of childcare activities were counted equally towards housework contribution, husbands’ time â€Å"tended to involve recreational activities rather than those tasks that constitute the daily grind of child rearing,† which were left to women (254). Baxter (2001) similarly found that men participated in housework primarily on weekends, and tended to perform occasional tasks such as yard work; women performed housework tasks throughout the week and weekend, being responsible for almost all routine tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry. Analysis Methods Research is equally divergent in the methods of analysis employed to interpret data regarding gender divisions in household labour. Some methods , such as commonly used empirical models, focus solely on time allocation and the variables contributing to allocation decisions. Bargaining models, time allocation models, and the household production model are three of the more common of these types of analysis methods. Mahoney (1995) describes various bargaining theories, which contend that since women earn less, they have less power in the household and are therefore relegated to performing the majority of housework tasks. For example, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found women with university degrees, and hence greater earning power, have reduced housework time. Alenezi Walden (2004) note, however, that the inverse is true for husbands. The more educated a man is, the more likely he is to contribute a greater number of hours to housework. Bargaining models in general, however, as summarized by Alenezi and Walden (2004) all present consumption and labour supply within the family based on some form of bargaining between family members based on each member’s earning potential and similar characteristics. This type of analysis generally categorises the various attributes, market wage, and similar for family members and uses such categorisation to evaluate gender divisio n of household labour. Time allocation models, in contrast, contend that individual contribution to household tasks is based on available time. Each family member individually determines contribution to the household based on market wages, leisure activities, and family consumption. Bittman et al (2001) notes that these analysis methods, however, do explain in part the differences in the effects of certain variables, such as education level, on men and women within a household. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) describe, time allocation theories are difficult to use as a basis of empirical research, as they depend on individual decision versus measurable inputs. This form of analysis typically begins with the labour division and works back into variables, rather than documenting variables and then considering activity, as is typical of bargaining theories. Becker (1991) presents the most often used method of analysis for time allocation of household labour, the household production model. This analysis method divides the household consumption of goods into those that are market-produced and those that are household-produced, and measures household utility and the gender division of household tasks, as described by Alenezi and Walden (2004) as â€Å"a function of the consumption of market-produced goods, household-produced goods, and leisure time of the husband and wife†(83). Bryant (1990) describes how households â€Å"spend† their two major resources, money and time. In certain circumstances, a household might spend more money to save time, such as by using outside cleaners or eating take out food. In other circumstances, the family may chose to spend time, painting a room themselves rather than hiring the painting out, for example. A lenezi and Walden (2004) conclude â€Å"households make decisions about using time wor king for pay, working on household tasks, like child-rearing and meal preparation, or for enjoyment (leisure)† (81). Berk (1985) criticises the household production model as making undocumented assumptions about joint production, preferences, and estimation of the shadow price of housework, but it remains one of the few empirical analysis methods that factors in a large number of variables and takes into consideration complexity and diversity within and between households. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) assert, the household production model â€Å"still remains the standard for analyzing household time allocation due to its ability to account for many complex relationships in household decision-making† (86). Some researchers such as Bittman et al (2001) and Alvarez and Miles (2003) contend, however, that empirical analysis methods such as those described above place too much emphasis on economic variables in general, and therefore explain only a limited share of the inequality in housework performance. As Oakley (1981) and Becker (1991) describe, gender division in household labour can also be considered from a more sociological approach. Becker (1991) affords that sociological theoretical models offer a wide and divergent variety of explanations for the unequal division of housework tasks along gender lines, but all provide relevant areas of consideration. For example, Alenezi Walden (2004) contend, â€Å"differences between husbands and wives housework time, spousal age, educational attainment, and number of children by age should be highlighted† (101). Given the difficulty in practise of considering the wide number of variables that could play into gender division of household labour, however, many studies choose to concentrate on the societal and sociological implications of one or two of what the individual researchers consider to be the most important or effectual inputs. As such, many studies have considered the impact of education levels, presence of children, age, social class, race, and value beliefs as determinants of household labour allocation. One of the most often considered variables is gender identity. As Oakley (1981) describes, men and women are instructed in what their particular society considers appropriate gender roles and actions from an early age. As such, women in Britain are typically raised to believe that housework is their responsibility, and therefore perform the bulk of household tasks. In this analysis, which will be described in greater detail later in this study in the section presenting reasons for the gender gap, researchers examine the development of gender identity, then its impact on household labour allocation, and further investigate impacts of changes in gender roles across society on household functioning. Historic Housework Gender Divisions Oakley (1974) provides a thorough and insightful study of historic gender divisions of household labour in Europe, concentrating on Britain. Prior to the nineteenth century, women were typically employed in the family business, as were the rest of family members. This business was housed within the home, and all members of the family might perform a given household task. Fathers were considerably more involved in child rearing, and tasks such as cleaning and cooking were not divided along gender lines. Women were often equal partners in business with their husbands, could be afforded guild membership on their own standing, inherited their husband’s trade privileges upon his death (versus them passing to a son), and â€Å"were not prevented from entering any occupation by reason of their sex† (31). As such, Oakley (1974) describes women as always occupying the role of productive worker, earning a market wage and enjoying ful l market employment participation. In the 1800s, Oakley (1974) describes the gradual displacement of vocation from the home to the factory. Women followed their traditional work out of the home and into the factories through the middle of the century. In fact, men, women, and children often worked side-by-side in various factory endeavours, just as they had in home-based vocational activity. However, this societal movement of employment from home to factory meant multiple family members were no longer physically present within the household to perform housework tasks or render childcare for small children. By the 1840s, societal pressure began on women to remain at home to render these services, and a simultaneous and not surprising belief became popular that women were naturally domestic and the appropriate carers for children. Male factory workers also began to ask for limits on child and female labour, ostensibly for the women and children’s own protection. By the end of the 1880s, the traditio nal role of w omen had shifted to the keeper of the home and rearer of children, whilst men had assumed sole provider role and worker outside the home. In the early 1900s through the Second World War, women were typically employed outside the home until marriage, at which time they left paid employment and assumed responsibility for housework tasks. Most women lived with their families until their marriage, and assisted their own mothers with work in that household but were not primarily responsible. After the war, women typically worked until their first child was expected, and often returned to paid work after their children left home. However, the notion of housework as a women’s responsibility was already culturally entrenched, and continued regardless of her employment status. This was supported by various legislative measures. For example, both Ireland and Britain had marriage bars, which legally excluded married women from working in public service or administration. Leonard (2004) notes that in Ireland, â€Å"up until 1973, women had to leave paid employment in the public sector upon getting mar ried† (74). This sole responsibility for household management was not a light one, either in terms of hours or tasks. Summarising a number of studies conducted in Britain, France, and the United States from the 1920s through the 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports that average hours of housework performed by women consistently ranks over sixty hours per week, with women in urban areas often averaging over seventy hours per week of labour. As of the early 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports a British study found eighty-five per cent of all women between the ages of sixteen and sixty-four were housewives, â€Å"they carried the responsibility for running the household in which they lived,† and â€Å"nine out of ten women who were not employed were housewives, so were seven out of ten of those with a job outside the home† (6). She concludes that housework is therefore clearly women’s major occupation. Important conclusions from historical data related to gender division of household tasks are that the notion of housewifery as a â€Å"natural† condition of women is a recent one, and not supported in previous centuries. Although various ethological, anthropological, and sociological â€Å"proofs† have been offered for a woman’s role as primarily wife and mother, Oakley (1981) demonstrates that these are not supported either historically or cross-culturally. She further contends that both housework allocation and â€Å"the impact of childbirth on the roles of parents in clearly a cultural construct,† and as such should be an area given consideration as needing change, rather than held as a biological absolute. Global Housework Gender Divisions Indeed, when considering gender division of housework cross-culturally, many assumptions regarding appropriate gender roles breakdown, particularly when considering cultures outside the capitalist Western model. Using data from the International Social Justice Project, Davis and Greenstein (2004) describe the division of housework tasks in married couple households across twelve nations: four Western nations (Great Britain, the United States, Germany, and The Netherlands), seven former Soviet nations (Russia, Slovenia, Estonia, Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary), and one Asian nation (Japan). Of note, as some data is historic, it divided East and West Germany, which the researchers took into account in analysis. Oakley (1974) quotes Lenin as writing, â€Å"No nation can be free when half the population is enslaved in the kitchen† (222). Not surprisingly, some of the former Soviet countries in Davis and Greenstein’s (2004) research evidenced the smallest gender gap in household labour. In Russia, for example, sixty-seven per cent of men and sixty per cent of women feel that housework is equally divided, with less than ten per cent of women or men allocating such work always to the wife. Interestingly, research exampled by Davis and Greenstein (2004) in post-Soviet Russia stated that fewer Russians believed they had egalitarian marriages in 1995 than in 1989, a demonstration of perception and practise change accompanying dramatic societal reforms. Such results reinforce the concept of gender divisions in household labour being culturally rather than biologically based. In a similar example, whilst Estonian households had traditionally divided household labour along gender lines prior to Communism, at the close of the Soviet era Davis and Greenstein (2004) report they had moved significantly toward shared housework, with over forty per cent of households reporting equal contributions. â€Å"Estonian women’s attitudes reflected a desire for personal efficacy rather than a complete focus on their husbands’ demands† (Davis and Greenstein 2004, 1263). Considering gender patterns over time, Davis and Greenstein (2004) reported several other research studies found â€Å"Czech women’s and men’s time spent on household work is becoming more similar, mainly because of the changing employment patterns of Czech women,† and â€Å"Czech households were more egalitarian in their division of labour than were Hungarian and Polish households† (1262). Poland was typical of half the f ormer Soviet nations and all Wester n nations in the study, with Polish women performing the majority of the housework regardless of their education or employment status, men’s housework contributions increasing with their education levels, and the most egalitarian division of housework responsibly in couples where both spouses are employed and have high levels of education. British, Dutch, and German women all were substantially more responsible for household labour than their former-Soviet counterparts, with over sixty-five per cent of households reporting household labour as primarily or always a duty of the wife, and twenty-five per cent or less reporting an equal distribution of work. Davis and Greenstein (2004) found Dutch women experienced the greatest disparity, with over seventy per cent of men and eighty per cent of women reporting housework as primarily or always the responsibility of the wife. Gender allocation of housework in the Netherlands is most affected by the presence of young children and the husband’s economic resources, with education also being a relevant variable. For example, the higher the education level of the couple together, the greater the husbands’ contribution to household work; when the wife has slightly more education than her husband, the husband performs more housework; but when she h as a significantly more education than he, there is no increase in his household contributions. Similar studies in Spain, Ireland and Germany reinforce cultural differences, even amongst European nations. In a study of dual-earner couples in Spain, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found persistent gender inequality of similar per cents to the Davis and Greenstein overview. In addition, education levels of the man were found to effect division of household labour, whilst the woman’s education and earning power had little effect. The researchers concluded, â€Å"habitual patterns of gender-differentiated activity at home are mainly the result of gender identities† (240). Alvarez and Miles (2003) find opinion polls demonstrating a clear trend in Spanish attitudes towards egalitarian gender division of labor, more so amongst younger respondents. However, similar to their findings in most developed countries Alvarez and Miles (2003) report that behaviour has changed much less than attitude and as much as two thirds of the total housework is perfo rmed by women, particularly th e more repetitive or physically demanding work. Leonard (2004) reports that in the past two centuries, Irish society â€Å"has placed a great deal of emphasis on womens role as mothers, â€Å" with the 1937 Irish Constitution specifically referencing â€Å"the special contribution to Irish society of women within the home† (74). Cooke (2004) uses the German SocioEconomic Panel to explore the division of domestic labour in Germany, finding â€Å"East German men report that they contribute a significantly greater percentage of household time than West German men† (1251). Also of note in the German study, men’s increased share of housework also increases the likelihood of divorce in childless couples, leading Cooke (2004) to conclude that within German society â€Å"childless couples with fewer gendered family roles (given the absence of mother and father roles) are more stable when they have more traditional gendered displays in the remaining domestic areas. Using data from the International Social Justice Project previously mentioned, Davis and Greenstein (2004) found support for bargaining power models in the United States, which had the greatest equality of distribution of household labour of any of the Western nations studied. US households were much more influenced by the wife’s participation in the workforce, with husbands performing at least half the housework twice as often in dual-earner families than in families where only the husband was employed outside the home. The wife’s income level had little effect on divisio